Marseillais Jews and Inter-Faith Commercial Relations During the Angevin Dynasty by Arazoo Ferozan

Marseillais Jews and Inter-Faith Commercial Relations During the Angevin Dynasty by Arazoo Ferozan

 
 
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Gary: Today’s special episode is by Arazoo Ferozan, Ph.D candidate at McMaster University in Ontario, Canada. Her work focuses on Mediterranean cross-cultural mercantile networks in the early modern period. Her most recent presentations have focused on the city of Marseille as a nodal point for economic and cultural connections. Today’s talk is about Jews, particularly merchants, in Marseille from the 13th to the early 16th centuries, how they navigated a complex political world as a religious minority and the cultural, legal and economic impact they left on this city and the Mediterranean world.

 

Arazoo Ferzon: It was the year of 1248, and Giraud d’Amalric, a notary in Marseille’s lower town, was engaged in preparing and notarizing commercial contracts. Spring particularly was a peak season for Amalric’s business and a perfect time for merchants who eagerly waited on the docks of the Old Port to embark on their long journeys across the Mediterranean.1 Shipmasters ensured the accuracy of their galleys’ inventories as merchants and the ship crows loaded cargos of goods leaving for other port cities across the vast Sea. Among the merchants soliciting Amalric’s services were Joseph and Solomon, sons of the late Mossé de Palermo, a Jewish resident and citizen of Marseille. That spring, Amalric prepared several contracts for the Palermo brothers, in association with both Jewish and Christian merchants. He drew up an agreement between Joseph and Vital Nègrel, to leave for Bougie onboard the merchant galley of St. François, and a similar one with Grestin, son of Bonsignour Monteil.2 His brother Solomon made 42 pounds and 20 dinars profit from a commenda with Pierre Grestin for Sicily. It was a commercial deal previously arranged by his partner, Mossé D’accon, and witnessed by three Christians.3 Amalric also arranged for a contract between Salomon and Nicholas Marinier for a voyage to Messina.4 These business and sometimes personal associations forged by the Palermo brothers are examples of mercantile engagements, carried on by a modestly populated community of Jews residing in the port city of Marseille.5

Hi, this is Arazoo Ferozan and thank you for joining me in this episode of the French History Podcast. In this episode we explore a commercially important and vibrant community of Jews in Marseille and observe their economic activities during the high middle ages when the city was at the height of its commercial prominence. My interest in studying the early history of Jews in Marseille sparked from my curiosity about Mediterranean port cities. The diversity and versatility of commercial port cities like Marseille make a fascinating narrative of cross-cultural and cross-religious interconnectedness. In Marseille, this fusion of religion and commerce was possible in mercantile associations between Jewish and Christian merchants to facilitate long-distance trade. While many Jews were small-scale merchants, this did not diminish their essential role as intermediaries and manufacturers of various goods destined for other Mediterranean cities. The story of Jews in Marseille is worthy of exploring because it tells us of the historical continuity of inter-faith relations in pursuit of commerce among the port cities of the Mediterranean. It also helps us understand Jews’ significance in European commerce before their historical expulsion in 1492 from western Europe.
Jews had a long history of settlement and trade in Marseille. As citizens, they took part in the city’s communal and commercial life. As a minority religious group, they received protection, renewed or changed from time to time by the rulers of Provence. The earliest surviving of such document confirming their legal status is a compact from the year 1219 between the Bishop of Marseille and the municipality.6 Christian Marseillais, in general, were tolerant toward the Jews of their own city. Usually, daily quarrels between Jews and Christians amounted to insults, hateful verbal exchanges, and petty monetary cases.7 Of course there were some restrictions against Jews, but often they had their roots in anti-Jewish sentiments beyond Marseille’s municipal decision. For instance, the inability to hold public office, testify against Christians and prohibition to work on Sundays and Christian feast days came from the Catholic Church. The application of these laws regionally, however, was inconsistent in Marseille.8 Whatever religious antagonism expressed by the municipal stakeholders or the Catholic Church was neither widespread nor supported by the Counts of Provence who ruled the city beginning from the first half of the thirteenth century. From Charles of Anjou to King René of the Angevin Dynasty, who died in 1480, Jews held a protected and legal status, especially for discriminatory acts because of their faith. Even officials such as inquisitors, bailiffs and royal administrators had no choice but to obey such regulations.9 Often protection required payment of some sort by Jews, like gifts or a special tax, usually paid directly to the Counts.10 These protections and privileges ranged from preventing excess tax to punishing officials for accepting personal property from Jews, forbidding surcharge on Letters of Justice, confirming the right to live in Christian neighbourhoods, awarding trade liberties void of faith-based discrimination and so on. In 1403 a position called Conservator of the Liberties of Jews appear on archival documents. This body was responsible for ensuring the application of the communal rules and protection rights.11 In 1463, King René even allowed Jews to bring forward their grievances directly to the King and dismissed several allegations laid by Christian citizens.12⁠ As French historian Adolphe Crémieux argued, Jews in Marseille during the middle ages were neither inferior nor were they outcasts of the city. They were considered equal citizens, with their faith as a mark of distinction.13 For at least another two centuries, Marseillais Christians did not see them as foreigners or as a threat to their Catholic faith.

The extension of such protective measures allowed Jews to reside in Marseille and move freely around the city. They could acquire real-estate and play an integral part in the city’s commerce in various professions. While most were merchants, others worked as tax collectors, physicians, apothecaries, weapon makers, coral workers, porters, investors, and a few money lenders.14 Jews clustered in two different quartiers with the majority living in the lower town like the Palermo brothers, and others resided in the upper town near the fortress. Until 1348, when Queen Joanna I of the House of Anjou united the city, Marseille had three separate jurisdictional bodies within the city walls:15 the upper town (also known as the Episcopal city), the lower town, and the small district of Prévôté around the cathedral, looked after by its church canons.16 The upper town had four quartiers where mostly notable communities of scholars, physicians, some nobles, agricultural labourers, fishers, and artisans resided. The commercial centre of the city was the lower town, which is where most merchants resided and conducted business. It extended mainly from the Old Port to the city’s northern hills, with the upper town resting right above its territory.17 This bustling and busy neighbourhood also housed the judicial sector, the administrative buildings, and the notarial shops. Giraud d’Amalric’s notarial office operated from this neighbhourhood near Marseille’s docks next to moneychangers, which was easily accessed by the merchants in need of officiating commercial contracts.18 A wall surrounded and enclosed the three jurisdictions, and a chain secured the entrance to the port until 1423.19 Six main gates penetrated the city walls,20 and around seven significant markets contributed to the local and global economy.21

Jewish households remained around 10% of the city’s population, about 2000 households out of 20,000 by the beginning of the fourteenth century.22 Archeological evidence traces Jews’ settlement to around the fourth century AD in several southern France port cities, including Burgundy and Provence, where they migrated to barter and trade.23 Some suggest that they had arrived earlier with the Roman legions, a migratory practice that was not uncommon for Jews. The earliest documented reference specific to Jews in Marseille is a letter sent in 591AD by Gregory of Tours to the bishop of Marseille.24⁠ It suggests that he was intervening on behalf of the Jews against the Bishop’s insistence to convert a group of Clairmont Jews who took refuge in the city. Therefore, it is possible that a community of Jews existed in Marseille already. We know that by the time Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela, a well-known Jewish traveler, visited Marseille in 1165, there was a successfully established community with synagogues, a hospital, schools, an almshouse, a meat market, and a women’s bath. A Jewish cemetery existed beyond the city walls, not too far from their quarters. Tudela recorded,25

“Three days to Marseilles, a city containing many eminent and wise men. The three hundred Jews form two congregations, one of which resides in the lower town on the coast of the Mediterranean and the other in the upper part, near the fortress. The latter supports a great university and boasts of many learned scholars…An extensive trade is carried on in this city, which stands on the very coast.” 26
By the high middle ages, Jews lived among a majority of Christian population. The Juiverie quartiers of the lower town, was on the sixain of St. Martin, which was one of the six administrative bodies with a minor city gate, Gate of Jewry (Portalis Justaire) leading to their neighbourhood. 27 These early concentrated communities were means to promote cohesion and communal organization. Indeed, this practice seemed more necessary by Jews in regions with a majority Christian or Muslim population, as cities grew, and diverse demographics became a distinguishing characteristic in places like port cities. The vital point to note is that Marseille’s Jewish neighbourhood was accessible from other city gates and not restricted for either Jews or Christians to move in and out of the quartiers. They could even change between the two towns, but with permission like the rest of the residents.

Like other inhabitants of Marseille, Jews were connected to sea life in one way or another. Evidence shows that in places like port cities, there were more ample economic opportunities for Jews; thus, studies now tend to move away from the concept of Jews as moneylenders. But it is important to note that while moneylending in Marseille was not a common occupation for Jews, there were a few wealthy families that involved in both sea-borne trade and moneylending. Economically modest Jews in contrast borrowed money from well to do Christians, or at least those are the records that have been preserved. Municipal regulations allowed lending between Jews and Christians as a form of “loan at interest”. Between 1252 and 1257, Charles of Anjou regulated loans at a rate of three deniers per livres per month or 15% as a whole annually. In 1272 the Church proscribed lending, but in practice, it did not completely disappear. From 1354 Queen Joanna I changed the interest to 10% per annum, no matter which party loaned the money, Christian or otherwise.

The legally notarized promissory notes suggest that Jews were indiscriminately part of Marseille’s legal system concerning borrowing, lending, or trading.28 Small-scale Jewish merchants, in particular, often borrowed money from wealthy or well-to-do Christians, most likely because of existing mercantile associations they had with each other. For example, in September of 1278, Bonjudas promised to reimburse Ferrier Laiutaud, the 17 livres he borrowed from him previously in Rome.29 Bonafous, son of the late Cressent, and his wife put their house in Juiveire quarters of the lower town in collateral for money received in wheat in 1235 from a Christian trading house. His wife Bonadonna agreed to pay Bernard de Manduel, a Christian merchant, 25 pounds in royal crowns.30 Their daughter Mayrona also agreed to a loan repayment in September of the same year, mortgaging her property in the lower town. As her guarantors were Guillaume Bocher, Bonsiac, son of the late Bonadavid Grossi and a Christian, by the name of Raymond Rufi, also living in St. Martin near Jews’ quartiers.31

Some wealthier Jewish merchants did not hesitate to put their family fortune or acquired wealth from other businesses towards moneylending. Bondavin de Draguigan was one of the wealthiest and professionally versatile Marseillais. He ventured into maritime trading, moneylending, financing commercial voyages, investing in agriculture production, livestock breeding, and real-estate. In the fourteenth century, the family’s businesses and wealth reached their highest prosperity through Bondavin’s commercial ventures. The protection Jews received Joanna I changed the interest to 10% per annum, no matter which party loaned the money, Christian or otherwise.
The legally notarized promissory notes suggest that Jews were indiscriminately part of Marseille’s legal system concerning borrowing, lending, or trading.28 Small-scale Jewish merchants, in particular, often borrowed money from wealthy or well-to-do Christians, most likely because of existing mercantile associations they had with each other. For example, in September of 1278, Bonjudas promised to reimburse Ferrier Laiutaud, the 17 livres he borrowed from him previously in Rome.29 Bonafous, son of the late Cressent, and his wife put their house in Juiveire quarters of the lower town in collateral for money received in wheat in 1235 from a Christian trading house. His wife Bonadonna agreed to pay Bernard de Manduel, a Christian merchant, 25 pounds in royal crowns.30 Their daughter Mayrona also agreed to a loan repayment in September of the same year, mortgaging her property in the lower town. As her guarantors were Guillaume Bocher, Bonsiac, son of the late Bonadavid Grossi and a Christian, by the name of Raymond Rufi, also living in St. Martin near Jews’ quartiers.31

Some wealthier Jewish merchants did not hesitate to put their family fortune or acquired wealth from other businesses towards moneylending. Bondavin de Draguigan was one of the wealthiest and professionally versatile Marseillais. He ventured into maritime trading, moneylending, financing commercial voyages, investing in agriculture production, livestock breeding, and real-estate. In the fourteenth century, the family’s businesses and wealth reached their highest prosperity through Bondavin’s commercial ventures. The protection Jews received from the Angevin rulers of Provence throughout the fourteenth century contributed to Bondavin’s success. His family was among the creditors of the Angevins dynasty rulers. Generations later, his great-grandson, Bonjuson, still had a good relationship with Queen Mary of Anjou in the 1380s.32 Indeed, it was Bonjuson who convinced Queen Mary to remove the prohibition of work on Saturdays and Sundays for Jews, starting in 1387.33
As for Bondavin, he was reportedly an honest man who gained his clients’ trust over the years with his ethical and professional conduct. His client base was mostly Christians and of official and noble status. Between 1309 and 1361, Bondavin granted 408 debts to around 252 borrowers, of which 99% were Christians. Approximately 60 of them were his regular clients, with the highest loan amount at 311 livers. For instance, Pierre Vital and his brother Bertrand borrowed money frequently between 1332 to 1338.34 An official by the name of Pierre Garin had 11 loans.35 A moneychanger Hugue Laugier agreed that he was in debt of 61 pounds to Bondavin’s father and from Bondavin himself 600 florins.36 He also had other clients who made just over 10% of his loan base, including artisans, gardeners, churchmen and merchants.37 His Christian clients trusted Bondavin and frequented his home, which he used as his business headquarters. He even hired a Marseillais Christian, Faydit Édbrad, as a lawyer to defend his disputed cases.

The origin of Bondavin’s family settlement in Marseille is unclear. However, by the fourteenth century, they occupied a substantial house in the Juiverie quartiers of the lower town, near many Christian residents.38 Bondavin inherited his father, Abraham de Draguinan’s estate,39 according to his will and testament in 1316. Their house was on the intersection of rue de Sion and Rue de la Fontaine Juive, adorned with a garden, orchards and a courtyard, which he expanded further over the years.40 When Bondavin’s father, Abraham died, he passed on his estate to his daughter Bonadonna, and his older son Mossé. He made Bondavin his universal heir. Bondavin married twice. His first wife Dulcia (Douceta) was the daughter of a banker and trustee.41 Bondavin himself held the office of the trustee on several occasions in the last decades of the fourteenth century.
Apart from moneylending, Bondavin expanded his wealth through real estate aquisitions, maritime trade, and vineyards.42 In 1360, he handled business for 15 vineyards, nine other lands, a hazelnut grove, rental properties around Saint-Marcel, and the lower town. In 1325 he bought a vine from Jacques Grasset, expanding his already owned plot around Aubagne. Five years later, he acquired two houses around Saint-Augustin, and a few years after, he bought land from a noble by the name of Guillaume of Saint Giles. He also granted land for agricultural production. For example, in 1350, he made an agreement with a plowman, Raymond Jay, for 320 acres of land for cultivation. He was one of the few Jews involved in shipbuilding that we know of, such as his investment in the construction project of the galley of Saint Louis.43

Bondavin’s estate eventually passed on to his great-grandson Bonjuson Bondavin. Bonjuson married Bonnefille, the daughter of Léon Passapayre, another wealthy merchant and an associate of his father. He became an orphan at a young age and was left under the care and guidance of Passapayre. He also became a successful licensed physician. Through his wealth and political connections to the Counts of Provence, he became a powerful man like his great grandfather. His father-in-law and mentor helped him maintain the family heritage by granting sharecropping land.44 Between 1376 to 1389, he made contracts for 12 loans for over 1000 Florines to some of the most prominent nobility, such as the Vivaud’s, Martins, Solières and Favas families, all large-scale merchants.
The diversity of Bondavin’s client base and his business ventures demonstrate a sense of trust between him and his Christian clients and how Jews enjoyed a period of commercial prosperity under the Angevin dynasty’s protection. The longevity of Abraham’s establishment, fortune and stability through his heirs also suggest that Marseillais Jews could further their profession and wealth despite their religious identity. The family managed a client base of the most affluent families in Marseille; these relationships expanded their networks in diverse commercial ventures.
Apart from a few wealthy merchants like Bondavin and his family, most Jews were small scale tradespeople. As Marseille slowly transformed from an emporium to a Mediterranean commercial harbour by the middle ages, the need for merchants who would take the risk of travelling across the sea to buy and sell goods increased. For Jewish merchants with modest means, sea-borne trade provided excellent opportunities to form partnerships as intermediaries and business associates. The contracts to transport and trade goods in and out of Marseille usually took place with agreed-upon terms in a trade contract or a commenda like the ones carried on by the Palermo brothers. The commandae involving Jewish merchants or agents were generally on a 75/25 profit margin, and each side acted either as tractators or as commentators. ⁠A tractator was responsible for the shipping and handling of the merchandise. The commendator was the passive partner and gave two-thirds of the capital, and the “active partner” or the tractator supplied one-third. Unless the travelling merchant had his/her own capital, the contract will remain on a unilateral basis, otherwise bilateral, which was at a margin of 50/50.45

The most active ports that Jewish agents travelled were Acre and Bougie. Other destinations were Ceuta, Messina, Sicily, and Valencia and several ports in the Levant and Barbarie regions. On April 27, 1248, a certain Douzain Sanvitour, a Christian, assigned a commenda to Joseph de Palermo for 10lb of silk and 28 besants46 of good silver to Bougie. Douzain was a moneychanger who dealt with Jewish and Christian merchants frequently in 1248. On the same day as Douzain’s contract, Bonfils, son of the late Durand Abram, commissioned Joseph for an order worth 79 value of mixed money, leaving for Bougie. Benaciat, son of Bonfils received a saffron order for Acre47 , and he gave an order for 27 livres of mixed coins to purchase sulfur to three other merchants leaving for Valencia.48 In safer conditions of the sea, merchants preferred unilateral commendae and sometimes took several ones together. They even hired other merchants as agents to acquire merchandize on their behalf while they travelled to a different destination.

One industry, in particular, reveals Jews as both merchants and manufacturers – the coral business. The coral industry was a lucrative operation of Marseille since antiquity. Marseillais merchants penetrated the Mediterranean Sea for coral, not only from the coasts of Provence but also from Catalan, Naples, Sicily (Trapani), Corsica, and North Africa.49 The coral was unique and valuable because the funding, organizing expeditions, recruiting procurers and fishers and hiring expert corallers, required time and large capital.50 Mostly large-scale Christian trading houses were involved in these expeditions. There were others who made partnerships, like Marseille mariners, Jean Armand and Pierre Arfier and Antoine Fabri from Nice. They established an equally shared company around Provence’s coastline in 1381.51 Some wealthy Jewish merchants, namely, Profach, de Monteil, and Passapayre invested in this business as well.52 Between 1381 and 1383, Passapayre made several coral orders, one for Alghero and four to the Levant.53 He was wealthy enough to offer 880 florins worth of coral to two Christian merchants leaving for Alexandria.54 Other Marseillais Jews took part as small agents or as expert corallers, like brothers Fosson and Mosson Salomon.55

In one year, a merchant will sometimes take several trips to bring raw coral and, other times, to sell coral goods manufactured in Marseille. Business usually took place directly between the coral operator and the trader interested in coral with a fixed price in advance. In 1379, the price of a quintal of coral was 70florins. It reached 80 florins in 1380.56 Of course, the merchant ships did not carry coral alone. Other common goods were oils, textile and wine.57 A certain Bonafous Buquet, son of the late Astruc, made an order of coral with Gullium Morbot to leave for Bougie.58 Jean Solier made a contract for ten livres to his coral worker Hughues Bonfils for Bougie on the same merchant galley.59 Laurent Posquiéres took an order worth approximately 48 livres boarding for Acre.60 He later entrusted a coral cargo to two Jewish merchants, Salomon Alabin and Bonjuda of Nîmes, worth 650 livres. Salomon and Bonjuda were responsible for taking the cargo to Genoa or Siena on board a Genoese merchant ship.61
By the fourteenth century, most of the coral manufacturing business was in the hands of the Jews. Because of the high-quality coral value, Christian investors hired the most reputable Jewish corallers but monitored them diligently. One of the most sought after and essential parts of the coral business was crafting or manufacturing raw coral goods. Most manufacturers worked for Christian trading houses, even those who had their own shops, like the Salomon brothers I mentioned before. The Jews relied on their expertise and reputation to get hired as polishers, mostly on contract. For instance, Sullan Davin worked for six years for Guillaume de Carry in his shop. Petit Bonfils worked for Nicholas Braccifort for seven years.

In 1383 Julien de Casaulx, a wealthy Christian merchant granted Salvet Petit a contract to work exclusively for him and pay a hefty fine if he left the city before his contract was over.62 In Casaulx’s shop, his wife minded his workshop and observed the workers regularly. 63 We know more about Christian trading houses who employed Jewish corallers because in 1380, several large-scale merchants, including Julien de Casaulx, brought a dispute case against 22 Jewish corallers. Among them were Fosson and Mosson Salomon. The brothers were experts in their field and even had their own shop. The trading houses accused the Jewish corallers of stealing 24 florins of gold from the merchants’ shops where each of them worked. Casaulx’s wife testified against the Jewish corallers since she was the one monitoring their work.64 To win the case, they relied on prejudices against Jews such as theft and dishonesty to damage their reputation. It certainly did not help that the Salomon brothers had their own shop because it was assumed that they would craft and sell the merchandize quickly.

Interestingly enough, we find that Jews sometimes testified against each other in some cases, demonstrating the stiff competition among the corallers. To the dismay of the trading houses, this case ended in Jewish corallers’ favour, and the Salomon brothers continued with their business. As for the rest of the merchants, some remained and continued as the Salomons, others like Maymon Ferrier, moved to Aleghro in 1395. In this manner, the Jews of Marseille continued to take part in the city’s commerce under the Angevin rulers’ protection. The Christian trading houses did not stop hiring Jews despite periodic business conflicts, at least not until the late fifteenth century when the religious and political climate of western Europe began to take a turn against Jews.

The economic participation of Jews and civic privileges came to a slow and steady decline by the last decades of the fifteenth century, leading to their eventual and final expulsion in 1501. Records referring to Jews in the coral trade disappear after this period. There were internal and external factors that led to how Christian Marseillais began to see their Jewish neighbours a threat. The political and religious climate of the Mediterranean had changed since the fourteenth century. The rise of anti-Semitic sentiments in Europe did not leave Marseille untouched. Before Marseille became a French city by the end of the fifteenth century, in 1305, Philip IV already imprisoned and seized Jews’ possessions, and he expelled around 100,000 from French territories.65 In the next few decades, riots and discriminatory attacks occurred in several southern cities of France as well, and resulted in the eventual expulsion by the end of the fourteenth century.66 In Spain and Portugal, anti-Semitic reactions led to the Pogrom of 1391, and caused a slow migration of Jews from these regions.67 The eventual expulsion from the Iberian Peninsula that began in 1492 created a new diaspora of Jews and changed their centre of concentration from western Europe to the east.
In Marseille, when the king of Aragon seized the city in 1423, many Jews migrated in fear of persecution.68 There is evidence of hostility growing across Provence from around 1469 and gradually increasing over the next thirty years, even though they were still legally citizens of the city and had a protection order in their favour as late as 1463.69 When the French Crown occupied Marseille, the first wave of conversions began in Provence after King René, who favoured Jews, died. The city lost its semi-independent governorship. While Louis XI renewed the old privileges for a short period, Charles VIII, a devout Christian who favoured leading a crusade against Turks, showed no interest in protecting Jews either.70 A general expulsion sent around 200 families to Sardinia, many without their properties, because of public protest accusing them of usury and other “imaginary crimes.” Marseille’s Jewish community faced the harsh decision of expulsion in 1489 by the order of Louis XII. Most of the Jews began to take refuge in Africa, Italy and Ottoman-controlled territories. These events in Marseille and the surrounding French cities profoundly affected how Marseillais Christians negatively reacted towards Jews, leading to a final expulsion in 1501.

In 1515 there were still some traces of Jews until they disappeared entirely from the records. Some of their properties were entrusted to converts and others acquired by Christians. Any remaining records of their community were most likely destroyed with Marseille’s later urbanization in 1911 around St. Martin and the destruction of the quartiers. Lost and unpreserved documents do not allow us to make any more conclusions. It would take a century and a half for the French Crown to invite Jews back to Marseille. Nevertheless, these early mercantile activities that we discussed show that a vibrant and economically active community of Jews existed in Marseille during the high middle ages. They had a long history of continuity not only as moneylenders but as intermediaries and manufacturers of goods. Jews’ expulsion in the fifteenth century did not stop their commercial ventures; it just shifted their point of settlement and concentration to the east of the Mediterranean, in particular to the Ottoman-controlled port cities. Theirs is a story for another time. This has been Arazoo Ferozan, with French History Podcast, thank you for listening. Until next time.

 

Endnotes:

1 Mell, The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender, 117
2 Blancard t. II, 500, 578
3 Blancard, t. II num 576 and 577
4 Blancard, t. I num 67.
5 In antiquity, emporiums were generally trading posts or markets. Sometimes used as transit port by the Greeks as well as others, especially if there were shipments going to colonies.

6 Dr. Gotthard Deutsch and S. Kahn’s article on the unedited full-text of 1906 Jewish Encyclopedia: http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/10438-marseilles
7 Smail, “Hatred as a Social Institution,” 118.
8 Mell, The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender, 119. Juliette Sibon states that two regulations, one in 1320 and 1357 puts temporary restriction on Jew’s movement outside the city, however application is not confirmed.
9 Dr. Gotthard Deutsch and S. Kahn’s article on the unedited full-text of 1906 Jewish Encyclopedia: http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/10438-marseilles
10 See articles of the peace treaty in 1257.
11 Lunel, “the Jews of the South France,” 44. Lunel, “the Jews of the South France,” 44-45.; Haim F. Ghiuzel, The Jewish Community of Marseilles, Museum of the Jewish People at Beit Hatfutsot. https://www.bh.org.il/jewish-community-marseilles/, June 20, 2019.
12 For further notes on the history of Jews see: Dr. Haim F. Ghiuzel, The Jewish Community of Marseilles, Museum of the Jewish People at Beit Hatfutsot. https://www.bh.org.il/jewish-community-marseilles/, June 20, 2019

13 Crémieux, « Les juifs de Marseille au Moyen Âge, » 12.
14 Armand Lunel, David Jessula and Samuel Rosenberg, “the Jews of the South France,” Hebrew Union College Annual 89 (2018): 43
15 Marc Bouiron, “L’évolution topographique de Marseille (XIe – XIVe),” en Marseille au Moyen Âge, entre Provence et Méditerranée: Les horizons d’une ville portuaire, ed. Thierry Pécout (Adverbum, 2009), 53.
16 Smail, Imagined Cartographies 43,48; Pryor, “Historical Introduction,” 67-68.
17 Smail, Imagined Cartographies, 60.

18 Pryor,“Historical Introduction,” 69.
19 Thierry Pécout, Marseille au Moyen Âge, entre Provence et Méditerranée: Les horizons d’une ville portuaire, ed. Thierry Pécout (Adverbum, 2009): 352, 415.
20 Smail, Imagined Cartographies, 60.
21 Pryor, John “Historical Introduction,” 68:
22 Armand Lunel, David Jessula and Samuel Rosenberg, “the Jews of the South France,” Hebrew Union College Annual 89 (2018): 43
23 Philippe Bourdrel, Histoire des Juifs de France, Tome I (Paris : Albin Michel,1974), 13.
24 Gregory of Tours, The History of Franks, Volume II, 179.
25 Smail, Imagined Cartographies, 49. Benjamin of (Tudela), The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela: 35-36

26 Benjamin of (Tudela), The Itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela : (Universitas Judeorum)
27 Crémieux, « Les juifs de Marseille au Moyen Âge, » 3.

28 See also Pryor, “Historical Introduction.”
29 Blancard, t. II, num 17
30 Blancard, t. I, num 57.
31 Blancard, t. I, num 60.

32 Sibon,“Bondevin Revisité,” 644.
33 Crémieux, « Les juifs de Marseille au Moyen Âge, » 27.
34 Sibon,“Bondevin Revisité,” 653-658
35 Sibon, “La famille juive,” 262
36 Cremieux « Les juifs de Marseille au Moyen Âge, » 248.
37 Sibon, “La famille juive,” 262

38 Sibon, “La communité juives dans la cite: la juiverie de la ville basse,” 114.
39 Sibon, “La famille juive,” 262.
40 Sibon, “La communité juives dans la cite: la juiverie de la ville basse,” 114.
41 Sibon, “La famille juive,” 262. We know much of this information about the family because they commissioned Latin notaries to register their last testaments and other businesses.
42 Sibon,“Bondevin Revisité,” 647.
43 Marseille, 381 E 78, fol. 135v. ADBDR; 381 E 7, fol. 119; 391 E 5, fol. 60v. For more information see Sibon,“Bondevin Revisité,” 645-648.

44 Marseille, 355 E 73, fol. 32v ADBDR in Sibon, “Bondavin Revisité,” 645, 648. Sibon, “La famille juive,” 258, See also Sibon, “La communité juives dans la cite: la juiverie de la ville basse,” 114.

45 See John Pryor, “The Origins of the Commenda Contract,” Speculum, 52 (Jan. 1977), 7-8; Mell, The Myth of the Medieval Jewish Moneylender, 115-116, 122.
46 Blancard, t. II num 598.
47 Blancard, t. II num 599, Blancard, t. II, num 132.
48 Blancard, t. II num 683.

49 Christian Maurel, “Grands marchands et “petites et moyennes industries” à Marseille bas Moyen Âge,”
In: Actes des congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l’enseignement supérieur public, 19e congrès, Reims, 1988. Le marchand au Moyen Age. pp. 105, doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/shmes.1988.1535
50 Maurel, “Grands marchands,” 106.
51 Lavergne Géraud. La pêche et le commerce du corail à Marseille aux XIVe et XVe siècles. In: Annales du Midi : revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale, Tome 64, N°19, 1952. pp. 199-211; doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/anami.1952.5871.
52 Juliette Sibon, “Les Corailleurs juifs,” en Marseille au Moyen Âge, entre Provence et Méditerranée: Les horizons d’une ville portuaire, ed. Thierry Pécout (Adverbum, 2009), 279.
53 Sibon, “Les Corailleurs juifs,”279.
54 Ashtor, “the Jews in the Mediterranean Trade in the Later Middle Age,” 168.
55 Juliette Sibon, “Les Corailleurs juifs,” en Marseille au Moyen Âge, entre Provence et Méditerranée: Les horizons d’une ville portuaire, ed. Thierry Pécout (Adverbum, 2009), 279.
56 Lavergne Géraud. La pêche et le commerce du corail à Marseille aux XIVe et XVe siècles. In: Annales du Midi : revue archéologique, historique et philologique de la France méridionale, Tome 64, N°19, 1952. pp. 199-211; doi : https://doi.org/10.3406/anami.1952.5871
57 Berlow, “the Sailing of the ‘Saint Esprit’,” see charts on pages 351-353.
58 Blancard, t. II, 591.
59 Blancard, t. II, 660.
60 Blancard, t. I, num 253.
61 391 E 17, fol. 7r; 391 E 6, fol. 155 in Sibon,“Bondevin Revisité,”649.
62 355 E 23, fol. 105 ADBDR in Sibon, “Les Corailleurs juifs,” 279-280.
63 355 E 23, fol. 105 ADBDR in Sibon, “Les Corailleurs juifs,” 279-280.

64 Baratier et Reynaud, Histoire du Commerce de Marseille,” 75-85.

65 Gross, Gal Jud, 489ff.; R. Busquet, in: Mélanges Institut Historique de Provence, 4 (1927), 68–86; A. Kober, in: JSOS, 6 (1944), 351–74; Z. Szajkowski, ibid., 31–54; idem, Franco-Judaica (1962), index; Schirmann, Sefarad, passim; E. Camau, in: La Provence à travers les âges (1928), 249–367; A.Z. Aeskoly, in: Zion, 10 (1945), 102–39; B. Blumenkranz, in: Evidences, 12 (March–April 1961), 29–33; idem, in: Bulletin Philologique et historique (1965), 611–22; B. Benedict, in: Tarbiẓ, 22 (1951), 85–109 – See also Jewish Virtual Library.
66 Ibid – Jewish virtual library Gross, Gal Jud, 489ff.; R. Busquet, in: Mélanges Institut Historique de Provence, 4 (1927), 68–86; A. Kober, in: JSOS, 6 (1944), 351–74; Z. Szajkowski, ibid., 31–54; idem, Franco-Judaica (1962), index; Schirmann, Sefarad, passim; E. Camau, in: La Provence à travers les âges (1928), 249–367; A.Z. Aeskoly, in: Zion, 10 (1945), 102–39; B. Blumenkranz, in: Evidences, 12 (March–April 1961), 29–33; idem, in: Bulletin Philologique et historique (1965), 611–22; B. Benedict, in: Tarbiẓ, 22 (1951), 85–109 – See also Jewish Virtual Library.
67 Antisemitism riots and violence against Jews in Spain.
68 For a brief description of the events see Lunel, “the Jews of the South France,” 43-51
69 Reynaud, Histoire du Commerce de Marseille, 685, 691. Crémieux, « Les juifs de Marseille au Moyen Âge », 253

70 Zeldes, “Legal Status of Jewish Converts to Christianity,” 12; his soldiers already committed atrocities against Jews in Naples

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